City of Patriarchs and Police

A guest post from Elliott Horowitz

On a chilly morning in March I boarded a bus in Jerusalem that had been chartered by a group called Shovrim Shtikah (“Breaking the Silence”) which, among its other activities, provides weekly guided tours (in English and Hebrew) to Hebron and its environs in order to show those who are unaware how difficult the lives of local Palestinians are under Israeli military occupation. The group was organized by Israeli young men who have served in the occupied territories and felt a need to “break the silence” about the activities of both the army and the settlers – especially in Hebron itself, where the freedom of movement and economic opportunities of nearly 200,000 Arabs have been severely curtailed in order to accommodate the “needs” of several hundred Jews.

The tour I had signed up for happened to be in English, and many of those waiting with me for the bus were young Europeans. I did befriend two young Israeli men who were also waiting for the bus, one of whom discovered to his consternation that I, like his parents, had voted for Meretz in the last election despite the party’s support for the war in Gaza. He was more sympathetic when I explained that I had started out in the Mafdal (National Religious Party), moved to Labor, and then (in 2006) to Meretz. None of the other people waiting for the bus showed any external signs of ever having supported a religious party. I myself exhibited no such signs either, having donned a baseball cap that morning to provide the warmth that my dwindling hair can no longer provide.

After we arrived in Hebron, however, I decided to wear my customary kippah so that both local Arabs and the police who guarded our group (from potential attack by Jewish settlers) would see that there were also religious Jews who were critical of the occupation. As we made our way by foot, accompanied by dozens of riot police (from the elite Yasam unit) down the once bustling Shuhada street, all of whose shops have been shuttered since 2000, a young bearded and befringed settler approached and began to film us with a video camera. He continued to follow us, from the other side of the street, with his camera on – as if to say, “we keep records of who you are and what you do here.” Needless to say, none of the dozens of police present thought that he was causing a provocation or disturbing the peace.

My spontaneous reaction was to take my own digital camera and cross the street, where I began taking snapshots of him from a safe distance of at least two meters, as if to say “and we keep records of who you are and what you do here.”

Watching him watching us: A Hebron settler films Shovrim Shtikah visitors to the city
Watching him watching us: A Hebron settler films Shovrim Shtikah visitors to the city

The young settler responded, as might be expected, by saying “you people are the worst,” but I was more surprised when some of the police ordered me to cross the street and return to my group. I protested, saying that I like the video photographer was an Israeli Jew, and like him I had both a kippah and tzitzit – which I promptly pulled from under my shirt.

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Bad War, Bad Soldiers

Haim Watzman

One of our regular readers, Alon, comments (ungermanely) on my previous post:

i would like to know is how do you feel on the day that the testimonies of soldiers on the killing of civilians and vandalism in gaza — after saying in your
“Bad War, Good Soldiers” post that you were “happy to hear” a soldier telling you that “we had to show them we’re not suckers and beat the hell out of them”, and that soldiers should forget their scruples and just “do the job?”

I’m writing an op-ed for the Forward this week about these recent soldier testimonies, and I’m giving a talk on Tuesday at the Pardes Institute of Jewish Studies on Tuesday on the moral responsibilities of the individual soldier (sorry, the talk is not open to the public). Since the subject is a serious one, I intend to take the necessary time to research and think through the issues before commenting on these revelations in detail.

However, here are a few pointers for readers interested in the subject—food for thought until my substantive post:

1. Anyone who has Israel’s interests at heart should be outraged at the thought of IDF soldiers shooting women, children, and old people.

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Narcissistic Leaders on Parade, or Barak’s Last Temptation

Gershom Gorenberg

I suppose it’s just coincidence that Slate ran a piece on narcissistic personality disorder, especially among leaders, just a few days after Moshe Katsav’s latest bit of surrealistic theater, and just as Ehud Barak had agreed to sell what’s left of the Labor Party to Bibi Netanyahu. Nonetheless, it was a useful coincidence. Here are some key passages from Slate:

A recent study titled “Leader Emergence: The Case of the Narcissistic Leader” describes how narcissists have skills and qualities—confidence, extraversion, a desire for power—that propel them into leadership roles but that when true narcissists are in charge, other aspects of their makeup—a feeling the rules don’t apply to them, a need for constant stroking—can have “disastrous consequences.” Yes, we’re talking about you, former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich…

People with NPD [narcissistic personality disorder] act as if they are special beings who are exceptionally intelligent, accomplished, beautiful, or sexy (or all of the above), to whom lesser people (pretty much everyone else) must bow…

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This Country Is Unconstitutional. Perhaps for the Best.

Gershom Gorenberg

My new article on whether Israel needs a constitution is up at the Hadassah magazine site. The short version of my answer: In principle, yes, we need one. In practice, enacting one could be more dangerous than going without. The longer version:

As Israel’s justice minister, Daniel Friedmann made virtually no progress in pushing his signature reforms of the justice system. But during two years in office, the 72-year-old law professor succeeded, quite unintentionally, in teaching two lessons: The first is that Israel really does need a constitution to protect its democratic foundation. The second, ironically, is that trying to enact a constitution is a risky business. Done wrong, it could endanger the delicate structure of Israeli democracy.

Friedmann was appointed to the cabinet by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in February 2007, after his predecessor, Haim Ramon, was convicted of indecent behavior for forcing a kiss on a woman soldier. Friedmann was a surprise choice. He was a Tel-Aviv University professor rather than a politician. While the justice minister normally acts as the guardian of the courts within government debates, Friedmann was a vocal critic of the judiciary. From the moment he took office, his declared goal was to reduce the power of the judges, and especially to limit the Supreme Court’s authority to review and overturn laws.

A brief trip through Israeli history will explain why that matters so much.

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We Couldn’t Make Any of This Up

Gershom Gorenberg

Since Purim is past, I can put up a brief compendium of news stories that should be satires. Well, actually, if we made this stuff up, you would accuse us of third-degree cynicism. But we’re innocent. This stuff really happened.

  • In Maryland, the Washington Post reports, a Muslim woman was told to leave a line in a bank and be served in a back room because she was wearing a scarf over her hair. The bank said it had a “no hats, hoods or sunglasses” policy, intended to prevent robberies and identity theft (you might want to visit us for more information about how to actually prevent this kind of crimes). Giving the bank the benefit of the doubt, the clerks did not believe that she was hiding an assault rifle under her scarf. So apparently, they found it absolutely impossible to verify a person’s identity when her hair was covered. Perhaps this is part of an “all those people look the same” policy, which may apply equally to Muslim women and Orthodox Jewish women who cover their hair.

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His Uniform, My Responsibility

Gershom Gorenberg

In the informal division of labor in this blog, Haim normally handles the issues of army service. He’s the one who wrote Company C, after all. However, in the week when my son became a soldier, it was hard for me to write my column for the American Prospect about anything else.

A friend has volunteered to drive. He’ll drop us off in a suburb outside Tel Aviv, near the entrance of the Israel Defense Forces induction center. My son and I will talk, with our eyes on our watches, and I’ll hug him, and he will swing his duffel bag over his shoulder and walk in. I’m writing beforehand. You are reading this after the event.

For my son, as he has described his feelings, that gate marks the precise physical location of the end of childhood. For me, it marks the end of the countdown that began with his birth. It is the line between one type of anxiety and another, shaded in a deeper gray.

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What AIPAC Doesn’t Want Discussed in Court

Gershom Gorenberg

Doug Bloomfield is a bowtie-wearing lobbyist, and he used to lobby for AIPAC. A friend of mine pointed me to a column Bloomfield wrote about the long-delayed trial of two former AIPAC staffers accused of passing classified info to the media and the Israeli government.

Bloomfield’s column is a treasure, hidden in the website of the New Jersey Jewish News – as if dumped on the Jersey shore by a pirate crew on the run. It explains how the trial — if it ever happens — could hurt the hawkish Israel lobby, even more than it could embarrass the prosecution. (The defendants? They may have the least to worry about.) This will look like one of those divorce trials in which all the family secrets are finally spoken aloud. Says Bloomfield:

One of the topics AIPAC won’t want discussed, say these sources, is how closely it coordinated with Benjamin Netanyahu in the 1990s, when he led the Israeli Likud opposition and later when he was prime minister, to impede the Oslo peace process being pressed by President Bill Clinton and Israeli Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres.

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‘A Deeply Cynical Argument,’ Yes

Gershom Gorenberg

Several friends who watched my bloggingheads conversation with David Frum last week wrote to me about one particular segment, where Frum insisted that settlements were no obstacle to a peace agreement because…

If people move one way, they can move another way. I just – the idea that these are kind of geologic facts – we’re talking about loading up a moving van. Had there been, had there been a deal, there’s nothing easier. I mean you’ve seen these settlements, they’re ramshackle things, they’re trailer parks…

Even if they’ve built the Emerald City of Oz in one particular place, again, people move, people are incredibly mobile…

When I heard this, I was amused by how strong Frum’s assertions were and how weak his knowledge was of the subject. I was also struck by the act of projection: He imagined settlers as being  suburbanites ready to move at a moment’s notice, for a good job offer, perhaps.

But as Matt Duss wrote to me, Frum isn’t alone in arguing that settlements are essentially conditional statements, retracted more easily than a candidate’s gaffe. Says Matt:

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The Phosphorus Question, Revisited

Gershom Gorenberg

I’m glad that Haim brought up the ethics of the Gaza war. Because the news cycle has a ferociously short-term memory, the elections pushed the war and its unanswered questions out of the headlines. But we shouldn’t wait 25 years for an animated documentary to get us to have a conversation that should be going on now.

One very specific issue that lingers in my mind is the use of white phosphorus in Gaza, especially the question of whether the IDF fired that fearsome substance at civilians.

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Netanyahu, Cornered or Repackaged

Gershom Gorenberg

The day after the election, the most horrifying part of the outcome was watching Tzipi Livni and Bibi Netanyahu trying to outbid each other for Avigdor Lieberman’s support.

That’s over:  Netanyahu won, and is commited to having Lieberman, our aspiring autocrat, in his government. The next chapter in horror is watching Bibi try to enlist Livni and Ehud Barak as packaging for his rightwing coalition. So far, Livni is standing on principle, a prettier sight than her earlier groveling to Lieberman.

My new piece about why Netanyahu is so desperate to seat his opponents at his cabinet table is now up at The American Prospect:

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Cold Feet–Why Israeli Voters Shouldn’t Get Their Fantasy Government

Haim Watzman The talk in the locker room at the Jerusalem Pool has been surprisingly conciliatory since the election last week. Dani, who voted Meretz (after seriously considering Hadash) and Siman, who voted Likud, agree that the next coalition should consist of the Likud, Kadima, and Labor, under Bibi Netanyahu’s leadership. When I pointed out … Read more